CHAPTER 6

Concerning New Principalities Which Are Acquired By One's Own Arms And Ability

Because I am speaking of entirely new principalities, you should not be surprised if I use examples drawn from the highest princes and the most powerful states. Men almost always walk in paths beaten by others and also imitate their deeds. Still, these followers are unable to keep entirely to the ways of others or to attain to the power of those they imitate. A wise man should always follow the paths beaten by great men and imitate those who have been supreme. That way, even if his ability does not equal theirs, at least his accomplishments will seem like theirs. Let him act like the clever archers who, trying to hit the mark which seems too far distant, and knowing the strength limits of their bow, take aim much higher than the mark. The point is not to reach by their strength or arrow to so great a height, but to be able with the aid of so high an aim to hit the mark they wish to reach.

I say, therefore, that in entirely new principalities where there is a new prince, the difficulty in keeping these states depends on the ability of him who has acquired the state. Now, someone who becomes a prince from a non-noble background means that someone has either ability or fortune. It is clear that one or other of these two things will help overcome in some degree many difficulties. Nevertheless, he who has not depended on fortune has the strongest base. Further, it makes matters simpler when the prince, having no other state, is forced to live there in person.

But to come to those who, by their own ability and not through fortune, have risen to be princes, I say that Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus, and such like are the most excellent examples. And although one may not discuss Moses, he having been a mere executor of the will of God, yet he ought to be admired, if only for that favor which made him worthy to speak with God. But in considering Cyrus and others who have acquired or founded kingdoms, much will be found to admire. The specific actions and conduct of the others are in no way inferior to those of Moses, despite the fact that he had so great a teacher. If you look at the lives of these men, you can see that the only way that fortune helped them was by giving them the opportunity to do what they did. Fortune brought them the material to mold into the form which seemed best to them. Without that opportunity, their powers of mind would have been extinguished, and without those powers the opportunity would have been useless.

It was necessary, therefore, to Moses that he should find the people of Israel in Egypt enslaved and oppressed by the Egyptians. They needed to be in such a situation so that they would need his help to get out of bondage. It was necessary that Romulus should not remain in Alba, and that he should be abandoned at his birth, in order that he should become King of Rome and founder of the fatherland. It was necessary that Cyrus should find the Persians discontented with the government of the Medes, and that the Medes be soft and effeminate through their long peace. Theseus could not have shown his ability had he not found the Athenians scattered. These opportunities, therefore, made those men fortunate. Their high ability enabled them to recognize the opportunity whereby their country was ennobled and made famous.

Those who become princes through hard work and bravery, like these men, acquire a principality with difficulty, but they keep it with ease. The difficulties they have in acquiring power arise in part from the new rules and methods which they are forced to resort to in order to establish their government and to guarantee its security. It should also be remembered that there is nothing more difficult or more uncertain than to introduce a new order of things. The man who makes these changes makes enemies of all those who have done well under the old conditions. Likewise, the new prince finds lukewarm defenders in those who may do well under the new. This coolness arises partly from fear of the opponents, who have the laws on their side, and partly from the lack of belief of men, who do not readily believe in new things until they are used to them. Thus it happens that whenever those who are hostile have the opportunity to attack, they do it. At the same time, the others defend lukewarmly, so that the prince is endangered along with them.

If we want to discuss this matter thoroughly, we must look into whether these innovators can rely on themselves or whether they have to depend on others. That is to say, do they have to rely on prayers or can they use force? When a prince relies on prayers and fortune, he always succeeds badly. On the other hand, when a prince can rely on himself and use force, then he is rarely endangered. Hence, all armed prophets have conquered, while the unarmed ones have been destroyed. Besides the reasons mentioned, the nature of the people is variable. It is easy to persuade them to follow a new prince, but it is difficult to fix them in that persuasion. Consequently, it is necessary to take such measures so that when they no longer belive, it may be possible to make them believe by force.

If Moses, Cyrus, Theseus, and Romulus had been unarmed, they could not have enforced their constitutions for long. This happened in our time to Fra Girolamo Savonarola, who was ruined with his new order of things as soon as the people no longer believed in him. He fell because he had no means of keeping hold of those who believed, or of making the unbelievers believe. Armed leaders such as Moses, Cyrus, Theseus, and Romulus have great difficulties and dangers to overcome by their talents, but once they do so they are well respected. Having done away with those who envy them, the leaders remain powerful, secure, honored, and happy.

To these great examples I wish to add a lesser one. Still it bears some resemblance to them, and I wish to use it as an example: it is Hiero the Syracusan. This man rose from a private station to be Prince of Syracuse. He did not owe anything to fortune but opportunity. The Syracusans were oppressed and chose him for their captain. Afterwards he was rewarded by being made their prince. He was of so great ability, even as a private citizen, that all he was lacking to be a king was a kingdom. This man abolished the old army and organized a new one. He gave up old alliances and made new ones. Since he had his own soldiers and allies, on such foundations he was able to build any building. Thus, while he had endured much trouble in acquiring, he had but little in keeping.

CHAPTER 7

Concerning New Principalities Which Are Acquired Either By The Arms Of Others Or By Good Fortune

Those who become princes from being private citizens by luck alone have little trouble in rising, but much trouble in staying on top. They have an easy way up, because they fly, but they have tremendous problems when they reach the peak. A good example of this sort of man are those who receive their lands by buying them or as a gift. This happened to many in princes in Greece, in the cities of Ionia and of the Hellespont. The Persian conqueror Darius made many men prices in these lands so that the new princes would hold the cities for Darius’ security and glory. A similar case are those emperors who, by the corruption of the soldiers, become emperors after being citizens. Such new princes have nothing to rely upon but the goodwill and the fortune of those who made them powerful. Both goodwill and fortune are unreliable and unstable things. The new princes do not have the knowledge required for the position. This is true because, unless they are men of great worth and ability, it is not reasonable to expect that they should know how to command since they have always lived as private citizens. Besides, they cannot hold power because they do not have troops to enforce friendliness and faithfulness.

States that rise unexpectedly, like all other things in nature which are born and grow rapidly, have weak foundations and unstable relations with other states. This lack of support undermines them in such a way that the first storm will overthrow them. The only time when this does not happen is when, as said earlier, those who unexpectedly become princes are men of so much ability that they can immediately build their own foundation. A lucky but skilled new price must recognize that those foundations, which others have laid before they became princes, the new prince must lay afterwards.

Concerning these two methods of rising to be a prince (by ability or by fortune), I wish to use two examples. These are Francesco Sforza and Cesare Borgia. Francesco rose from being a commoner to be the Duke of Milan by proper means and with great ability. Although he had a thousand difficulties gaining power, he kept with little trouble. On the other hand, Cesare Borgia, called by the people Duke Valentino, acquired his state during the powerful period of his father. When his father fell, Cesare lost it. His state fell apart despite the fact that he had taken every precaution and done all that a wise and able man could to plant his roots in the states which fortune and other peoples’ armies gave him.

A very able prince who gains power without first laying his foundations may perhaps lay them afterwards. However, they will be laid with trouble to the architect and danger to the building. If we consider all the steps taken by the duke, we see that he laid solid foundations for his future power. I do not consider it useless to discuss them, because I do not know what better lessons to give a new prince than the example of the duke’s actions. Although the duke’s attempts fail, that was not his fault. The duke was struck by extraordinary and extreme bad luck.

Alexander VI wanted to make the duke, his son, powerful, but faced may difficulties. Firstly, Alexander could only make the duke master of Church lands. Alexander was willing to rob the Church because he knew that the Duke of Milan and the Venetians would not consent to any other lands being given to Cesare. Two possible lands, Faenza and Rimini, were already under the protection of the Venetians. The other problem was that all of the armies in Italy that might have assisted him were in the hands of those who feared increasing the power of the Pope. The Orsini and the Colonna and their following feared papal power. Alexander’s best course of action was to upset this state of affairs and get the powers to squabble, so as to make himself securely master of part of their states. This was easy for him to do because the Venetians, for their own reasons, wanted to bring back the French into Italy. Alaxander would not only not oppose this, but he would make it easier by granting King Louis a divorce. Therefore, the King of France came into Italy with the assistance of the Venetians and the consent of Alexander. He was no sooner in Milan than the Pope, Alexander, borrowed soldiers from him for the attempt to take the Romagna. The Romagna surrendered to Alexander because of the reputation of the king. The duke, Cesare, therefore, acquired the Romagna and beat the Colonna. Cesare wished to hold those victories and to advance further, but he was held back by two things. One, his forces did not appear loyal to him. Two, the goodwill of France was not guaranteed. That is to say that Cesare feared that the forces of the Orsini, which he was borrowing, would not stand to him. Moreover, he was worried that his borrowed forces might not just try to stop him from winning more, but might even steal for themselves what he had won. Cesare also worried that the King of France might also do the same. Cesare began to doubt the Orsini when, after taking Faenza and attacking Bologna, he saw them go very unwillingly to that attack. And as to the king, Cesare learned his mind when, after taking the duchy of Urbino, Cesare attacked Tuscany. The king made him give up that undertaking. Hence the duke decided not to depend any longer upon the arms and the luck of others.

Cesare’s first step was to weaken the Orsini and Colonna parties in Rome. He did this by making allies with all of their supporters. This was accomplished by making them his gentlemen, by giving them good pay, and, according to their rank, by honoring them with offices and commands. By this proceedure, Cesare destroyed all their loyalties to the Orsini and Colonna parties and turned them entirely to himself within in a few months. After this he waited for an opportunity to crush the Orsini. He had already scattered the supporters of the Colonna. The opprtunity came to him soon and he used it well. The Orsini, finally seeing that the increasing power of the duke and the Church would destroy them, called a meeting at Magione, in the territory of Perugia. From this meeting sprung the rebellion at Urbino and the troubles in the Romagna. These struggles caused endless dangers to the duke, but he overcame them all with the help of the French. Having restored his authority, he had to turn to his craftiness so that he would no longer have to trust the French or other outside forces. Cesare began by getting the help of Signor Paolo [Orsini], with whom the duke carefully made friends. Cesare give him money, clothes, and horses to buy him. Cesare carefully rebuilt a friendly relationship with the remaining Orsini, who were blind enough to be brought into his power at Sinigaglia. Having exterminated the leaders of his troubles, and having turned their remnants into his friends, the duke had laid a strong foundation for his power. He had all of the Romagna and the duchy of Urbino. Moreover, the people in those regions were now beginning to appreciate their wealth. He eventually gained their loyalty. This last point is worthy of notice, and will be imitated by others, so I am not willing to leave it out.

When the duke occupied the Romagna, he found it ruled by weak masters who robbed their subjects rather than ruled them. The old rulers caused great disagreement amongst their subjects and the country was full of robbery, quarrels, and every kind of violence. So, wishing to bring back peace and obedience to authority, Cesare considered it necessary to give it a good governor. Consequently, he made Messer Ramiro d'Orco [de Lorqua], a swift and cruel man, governor. This man in a short time restored peace and unity with the greatest success. Afterwards, the duke decided that it was not wise for a governor to have so much power because he might become a threat. As a result, Cesare set up his own courts in the country under a most excellent judge. All the cities had their own advocates at the court. Since the duke knew that the cruelty of his conquest and of his governor had made some people hate him, he decided to clear that up. He won over the people by saying that no cruelty came from him, but came instead from the sternness of the governor, Ramiro d’Orco. Using this story, he took Ramiro one morning and executed him. The body was left on the piazza at Cesena with the block and a bloody knife at the dead governor’s side. The barbarity of this spectacle caused the people to be at both satisfied and frightened.

But let us return where we started. The duke was now sufficiently powerful and secured from immediate dangers by having armed himself in his own way. He had also mostly crushed those forces near him who could injure him. So, if he wished to proceed with his conquest, he had to consider the King of France next. Cesare knew that the king, who had become aware of his mistake, would not support him. So, the duke sought new alliances and tried to hold off France from attacking the Spaniards who were besieging Gaeta in the kingdom of Naples. If the French left the Spanish alone, they would balance eachother and leave Cesare in power. Cesare wanted to secure himself against the French, and he would have done this quickly had Alexander lived.

Up until now, I have described his successful actions under recent circumstances. But Cesare had good reason to fear the future. In the first place, a new Pope might not be friendly to him and might seek to take from him that which Alexander had given him. So, the duke decided to act in four ways. Firstly, he exterminated the families of those lords whom he had robbed, so that they could not help a new Pope. Secondly, he won the support of all of the gentlemen of Rome, so as to be able to contain the Pope with their help. Thirdly, he tried to stack the college which elected the Pope with his own men. Fourthly, he tried to acquire so much power before the Pope died that he would have the resources to resist the first shock. Of these four things, at the death of Alexander, he had accomplished three. He had killed as many of the dispossessed lords as he could lay hands on; few had escaped. He had won over the Roman gentlemen. He also had the most numerous party in the college. In regards to getting new territories, he intended to become master of Tuscany, since he already possessed Perugia and Piombino, and Pisa was under his protection. Since he had no longer to worry about France (for the French had already driven out of the kingdom of Naples by the Spaniards, and in this way both were forced to buy his goodwill), he pounced down upon Pisa. After this, Lucca and Siena yielded at once, partly through hatred and partly through fear of the Florentines. The Florentines would have had no way to avoid falling as well had Cesare continued to do as well as he was doing the year that Alexander died. Cesare had acquired so much power and reputation that he would have stood by himself, and no longer have depended on the luck and the forces of others, but solely on his own power and ability.

Unfortunately for Cesare, Alexander died five years after he had first drawn the sword. Alexander left the duke with only the state of Romagna firmly held. The rest of Cesare’s lands were in the air. Moreover, he was between two most powerful hostile armies. To make matters even worse, Cesare was sick unto death. Yet the duke was so bold and skilled, that if any of these three problems had not existed, he would have survived. He knew so well how men are to be won or lost. He had lain a firm foundation in a short time. If he had not had those armies on his back, or if he had been in good health, he would have overcome all difficulties. This is proved by the history of events. The Romagna awaited him for more than a month. In Rome, although but half alive, he remained secure. Even though the families of the Baglioni, the Vitelli, and the Orsini sought to invade Rome, they could not do anything against him. If he could not have elected the Pope he wanted, he could at least have prevented the election of the one he did not want. If he had been in sound health at the death of Alexander, everything would have been easy to him. On the day that Julius II, the new Pope, was elected, Ceasre told me that he had thought of everything that might occur at the death of his father. He said he had prepared for everything, except that he had never anticipated that, when the Pope died, he himself would be so deathly ill.

Looking at all of the duke’s actions, I see no way to blame him. Instead, it appears to me, as I have said, that he makes a great model to imitate for those who have gained power through the fortune or the arms of others. Cesare’s lofty spirit and far-reaching aims made his plans perfect. Only Alexander’s death and Cesare’s own sickness destroyed his plans. Therefore, anyone who needs to win friends, to take power by force or fraud, to make himself beloved and feared by the people, to be followed and loved by the soldiers, to exterminate those who have power or reason to hurt him, to change the old order of things for new, to be severe and gracious, to be generous, to destroy a disloyal army and to create a new one, and to maintain friendship with kings and princes in such a way that they must help him or offend him with caution, cannot find a better example than the actions of this man.

The only thing Cesare can be blamed for is the election of Julius II. Julius was a bad choice. Even though Cesare could not elect his own Pope, he could have kept an enemy from being elected Pope. He should never to have consented to the election of any cardinal whom he had injured or who had cause to fear him once they became Pope. For, men injure either from fear or hatred. Those whom Cesare had injured, amongst others, were: San Pietro ad Vincula, Colonna, San Giorgio, and Ascanio. Any one of the others, on becoming Pope, would have had to fear him, Rouen and the Spaniards excepted. The Spaniards were safe because of their relationship and obligations. The French were safe because the kingdom of France needed him. Therefore, above everything, the duke ought to have created a Spaniard Pope. If he couldn’t do that, Cesare should have consented to Rouen [France] and not San Pietro ad Vincula. He who believes that new benefits will cause great personages to forget old injuries is deceived. Therefore, the duke erred in his choice, and it was the cause of his ultimate ruin.

CHAPTER 8

Concerning Those Who Have Obtained A Principality By Wickedness

A prince may rise from a private station in two ways, neither of which can be entirely attributed to fortune or genius. I will now talk about both of them, although one of them might be more fittingly discussed when I look at republics. One of the two methods is when a prince gains power some wicked or nefarious ways. Another method is when a private person becomes the prince of his country because he has the support of his fellow-citizens. I will illustrate the first method with two examples, one ancient, the other modern. Without entering further into the subject, I think that these two examples will be enough for anyone who might be forced to follow them.

Agathocles, a Sicilian and the son of a potter, became King of Syracuse not only from a private but from a low and squalid position. Through all the changes in his fortunes, he always led an infamous life. Nevertheless, he accompanied his infamies with so much ability of mind and body that he was able to rise through ranks of the military to become Praetor [leader of the republic] of Syracuse. Once he was Praetor, he decided to make himself prince by a coup. He did not want to owe anyone anything, so he decided to take for good what had been given him, the Praetorship. To this end, he came to an understanding for this purpose with Hamilcar, the Carthaginian. Hamilcar was in Sicily waging war. One morning Agathocles assembled the people and senate of Syracuse. He pretended that he wanted to discuss with them things relating to the Republic. Instead, at a given signal, the soldiers killed all the senators and the richest of the people. Once these men were dead, Agothocles seized and held the princedom of that city without any unrest from the population. Even though he was twice beaten in battle by the Carthaginians, and even had Syracuse surrounded by the Carthaginians, still he was able to defend his city. What is more, he even left some of his men for its defense, with the others he attacked Africa. By this end run, he quickly ended the siege of Syracuse. The Carthaginians, with their army uselessly in Sicily and Agothocles’ army in their homeland, were compelled to come to terms with Agathocles. They left Sicily to him and retreated to their lands in Africa.

When one considers the actions and the genius of Agothocles, nothing, or little, can be attributed to fortune. He gained power, as is shown above, not by the favor of any one, but step by step in the army. Each of his steps were gained with a thousand troubles and perils. Once he had power, he held it boldly through many hazards and dangers. Yet, it cannot be called talent to slay fellow-citizens, to deceive friends, to be without faith, to be without mercy, and to be without religion. Such methods may gain empire, but not glory. Still, if one thinks about Agathocles’ courage in getting into and out of trouble and his clear thinking in overcoming hardships, it cannot be seen why he should be esteemed less than the most notable captain. Nevertheless, his barbarous cruelty and inhumanity, not to speak of his infinite wickednesses, do not permit him to be celebrated among the most excellent men. What he achieved cannot be attributed either to fortune or to genius.

In our times, during the rule of Alexander VI, Oliverotto da Fermo is another interesting story. Oliverotto was orphaned as a child and was brought up by his maternal uncle, Giovanni Fogliani. In the early days of his youth, he was sent to fight under Paolo Vitelli. It was hoped that, being trained under his discipline, Oliverotto might rise to high rank in the army. After Paolo died, Oliverotto fought under his brother Vitellozzo. In a very short time, because of his physical and mental skills, Oliverotto became a key military specialist. But, da Fermo was not content being a paid soldier. With the aid of some corrupt citizens of the state of Fermo and with the help of the Vitelli, Oliverotto decided to seize the state of Fermo. So, Oliverotto wrote to Giovanni Fogliani and said that he wished to visit him and his city which Oliverotto had been away from for so long. Oliverotto also claimed to have some family business in the city. Oliverotto also said that he had worked hard to acquire honor, and that he wanted to show the citizens of his home town that he had succeeded. So show his success, Oliverotto said, he wanted to be accompanied by one hundred horsemen and by his friends and retainers. Oliverotto asked Giovanni to arrange that he should be received honourably by the citizens of Fermo, explaining that his would also help Giovanni himself, who had brought him up.

Giovanni, therefore, did not fail in any attentions due to his nephew. He had Oliverotto honorably received by the people of the state of Fermo. Additionally, Giovanni put up Oliverotto in his own house. After spending a few days in the house setting his plans in order, Oliverotto invited Giovanni Fogliani and the chiefs of Fermo to a big dinner party. When the entertainment that are usual in such banquets were finished, Oliverotto began a serious speech. He spoke of the greatness and the actions of Pope Alexander and his son Cesare. Giovanni and others responded to the controversial speech. At this point, Oliverotto stood up and said that such delicate matters ought to be discussed in a more private place. Oliverotto, Giovanni and the rest of the citizens went into another room. No sooner were they seated than hidden soldiers jumped out and slaughtered Giovanni and the rest. After these murders, Oliverotto rode around the town with his horsemen and they surrounded the chief magistrate in the palace. Fearfully, the people of Fermo were forced to obey Oliverotto. A government was formed, and Oliverotto made himself the prince. He killed all the malcontents who were a threat. He also strengthened himself with new civil and military laws. Within a year of holding the principality, not only was he secure in the city of Fermo, but he had become a danger to all his neighbors. Oliverotto’s destruction would have been as difficult as that of Agathocles if Oliverotto had not allowed himself to be conquered by Cesare Borgia. Cesare beat Oliverotto with the Orsini and Vitelli at Sinigaglia, as was stated above. Thus, one year after Oliverotto had killed his adopted father, he was strangled, together with Vitellozzo, whom he had made his leader in valor and wickedness.

Some may wonder how Agathocles and men like him could live long and secure lives in their countries after such infinite treacheries and cruelties. How could he defend himself from external enemies and never be plotted against by his own citizens? This is especially strange seeing that many others have not been able to hold their states through cruelty in times of peace, much less in times of war. I believe that this depends on whether cruelty is used well or ill. It may be said to be well used (if we may speak of using well a thing in itself bad) when all cruel deeds are committed at once in order to make sure of the state and thereafter discontinued to make way for the consideration of the welfare of the subjects. Bad use of cruelty we find in those cases where the cruel acts, though few to begin with, become more numerous with time. Those who use cruelty well are able, by aid of God or man, to make their rule acceptable, as Agathocles did. It is impossible for those who use cruelty incorrectly to hold on to power. A prince who occupies a new state should see to it that he commits all his acts of cruelty at once, so that he does not have to use them day after day. Consequently, by ending his cruelty, the new prince will be able to make men feel secure and can win them over by benefits. Anyone who does not follow this course, either because of cowardice or evil advice, is always forced to keep the knife in his hand. A prince who doesn’t use cruelty well cannot rely on his subjects. They will not attach themselves to him because of the continued and repeated wrongs. Injuries should to be done all at one time, so that, being tasted less, they offend less. Benefits should to be given little by little, so that the flavor of them may last longer.

And above all things, a prince ought to live amongst his people in such a way that no unexpected circumstances, whether of good or evil, will make him change. If the necessity for a big change in action comes during troubled times, you are too late for harsh measures. Moreover, mild ones will not help you, because the people will think that your mild action are forced from you, and that no one will owe you anything for those actions.

CHAPTER 9

Concerning A Civil Principality

We have discussed the situation where a citizen becomes prince of his country through wickedness or intolerable violence. Now we must discuss the situation where a leading citizen becomes the prince of his country with the support of his fellow citizens. This is called a civil principality. Neither genius nor fortune is altogether necessary to attain to it. Instead, happy cleverness is required. I say then that such a principality is gotten either by the favor of the people or by the favor of the nobles. In all cities these two distinct parties are found. From this fact, we can see that the people do not wish to be ruled nor oppressed by the nobles, while the nobles do wish to rule and oppress the people. From these two opposite desires three possible results arise in cities: a principality, self-government, or anarchy.

A principality is created either by the people or by the nobles, depending on who has the opportunity. Seeing that they cannot withstand the people, the nobles sometimes build up the reputation of one of themselves, and they make him a prince. They do this so that they can use their new prince to hide behind while they fulfill their ambitions. The people, on the other hand, also sometimes find that they cannot resist the nobles. So, they build up the reputation of one of themselves, and make him a prince so as to be defended by his authority. He who obtains sovereignty with the assistance of the nobles has a harder time staying in power than he who comes to it with the support of the people. This is true because the noble-assisted prince finds himself surrounded by men who consider themselves his equals, and because of this he can neither rule nor manage them to his liking. But, he who reaches sovereignty by popular favor finds himself alone. The popular prince has no one around him, or few, who are not prepared to obey him.

Another problem is that on cannot satisfy the nobles, even by fair dealing. Even trying to satisfy them will cause the prince to do injury to others. Conversely, you can satisfy the people, for their needs and desires are more righteous than those of the nobles. The nobles wish to oppress, while the people only desire not to be oppressed. It should also be added that a prince can never secure himself against a hostile people, because there are too many of them. At the same time, a prince can defend himself against the nobles because there are not that many of them. The worst that a prince may expect from a hostile people is to be abandoned by them. From hostile nobles he has not only to fear abandonment, but also that they will rise against him. Because the nobles are experienced and practiced in these affairs, they always jump quickly to join forces with the person they expect to win in any struggle. An additional point is that, the prince has to live with his population forever, while he can do just fine without the nobles. The prince can make and unmake nobles daily, and to give or take away authority when it pleases him.

Therefore, to make this point clearer, I say that the nobles act in two possible ways: they decide to join the prince’s camp and support him, or they do not. Those who do join him, and who are not vicious and oppressive, should be honored and loved. Those who do not join should be dealt with in two ways. If they do not join because they are cowards, the prince should use them as he likes, and should look to them for advice if not support. They will honor the prince when he is doing well, and there is nothing to fear from them in times of adversity. However, when they keep to themselves because of their own ambitions, the prince should understand that they are giving more thought to themselves than to the prince. Consequently, a prince should guard against these nobles. He should fear them as if they were open enemies, because in adversity they always help to ruin him.

Therefore, one who becomes a prince through the favor of the people should keep them friendly. This he can do easily since they only ask not to be oppressed by him. Someone who comes to power with the support of the nobles over the opposition to the people should, above everything, seek to win the people over to himself. This can be done easily if he takes them under his protection. The is simple because men are bound more closely to their benefactor when they receive good from him of whom they were expecting evil. Consequently, the people quickly become more devoted to him than if they had made him prince themselves. The prince can win their support in many ways. However, since these vary according to the circumstances, one cannot give fixed rules, so I will skip them here. But, I repeat, it is necessary for a prince to have the people friendly, otherwise he has no security when the going gets rough.

Nabis, Prince of the Spartans, survived the attack of all Greece, and of a victorious Roman army. Against these two he defended his country and his government. To survive in this dangerous situation, he only had to defend against a few people. He would not have been able to do this if the people had been hostile. Do not let anyone insult this event with the simplistic proverb that, “he who builds on the people, builds on the mud.” This proverb is only true when a private citizen makes a foundation on the people. It is only true when a private citizen believes that the people will free him when he is oppressed by his enemies. A private citizen who relies on the people will very often be disappointed. This is exactly what happened to the Gracchi in Rome and to Messer Giorgio Scali in Florence. But, in the case of a prince who has built himself on the people and who can command, can be courageous, can face adversity, and can keep the people encouraged, such a prince will never be abandoned by the people. This sort of prince has laid his foundations well.

Principalities built on the people are in the most danger when they are passing from the civil to the absolute order of government. Princes either rule personally or through officials. When princes rule through officials, their government is weaker and more insecure, because it rests entirely on the goodwill of those citizens who have been made officials. These officials, especially in troubled times, can destroy the government with great ease. They can destroy it through either plotting and treachery or through open defiance. During periods of unrest, the prince cannot exercise absolute authority because the citizens and subjects are used to receiving orders from the officials and will not suddenly obey him in troubled times. Moreover, in troubled times, there will be few men the prince can trust. Such a prince cannot rely upon the behavior he sees in quiet times. In quite times, citizens need the state, because they agree with it then. They make many promises during peacetime. When death is far distant, they all wish to die for the prince. Yet, in troubled times, when the state has need of its citizens, then the citizens are nowhere to be found. This situation is most dangerous because there is no way to practice or prepare for it. It can only be tried once. Therefore, a wise prince should ensure that his citizens will always, in every circumstance, have need of the state and of him. Then, he will always find them faithful.

CHAPTER 10

How to Measure the Strength Of All Principalities

It is necessary to consider another point in examining the character of principalities. We need to look at whether a prince has enough power to support himself with his own resources if he has to. We must also look at the extent to which he has to rely upon the assistance of others. Without reservation, I say that I consider those who can support themselves with their own resources as those who have enough men or money to raise a good army to fight any one who comes to attack them. The needy I define as those who cannot meet the enemy with an army in the field, but are instead forced to defend themselves by sheltering behind walls. The first case, those who can support themselves has been discussed, but we will speak of it again. Of needy princes, one can say nothing except to encourage such princes to stock up supplies and fortify their towns. They should not on any account try to defend the country. Any prince who has fortified his town well, and who has managed the other concerns of his subjects in the way stated above, will never be attacked without great caution. Attackers will take care because men are always against taking action where difficulties can be seen. It is obviously not an easy thing to attack one who has his town well fortified, and who is not hated by his people.

The cities of Germany are absolutely free. They own little of the country around them. Yet, they obey the emperor only when it suits them. Similarly, they do not fear any other power they may have near them because they are so well fortified that assaulting them would be tedious and difficult. The German cities have proper ditches and walls, they have sufficient artillery, and they always keep one year's supplies for eating, drinking, and fueling their kitchen fires. What is more, they continuously provide work by fixing up their cities. This keeps the unemployed people quiet and supported while at the same time improving the state. The cities also hold numerous military exercises, and even have laws to ensure that everyone participates in the exercises.

Therefore, a prince who has a strong city and is not hated will not be attacked. Or, if any one should attack, the attacker will only be driven off with disgrace. Additionally, since the affairs of this world are so changeable, it is almost impossible to keep an army in the field without being interfered with for a whole year. And to anyone who would say: “If the people see their property outside the city burnt, they will not remain patient. The long siege and self-interest will make them forget their prince,” to this I answer that a powerful and courageous prince will overcome all such difficulties by giving hope to his subjects that the evil will not be for long, and by creating fear of the cruelty of the enemy. The prince will then preserve himself from those subjects who don’t trust him.

Furthermore, when the enemy arrives, they usually burn and ruin the country at the time when the spirits of the people are still hot and ready for the defense. Therefore, a prince should hesitate even less because after a time, when spirits have cooled, the damage is already done. The enemy has done his worst and nothing can fix that. Therefore, the people are even more ready to unite with their prince. They believe that the prince is now obligated to them now that their houses have been burnt and their possessions ruined in his defense. It is the nature of men to be bound by the benefits they themselves give as much as by the benefits they receive. Therefore, if everything is well considered, it will not be difficult for a wise prince to keep the citizens loyal from first to last when he supports and defends them.

CHAPTER 11

Concerning Principalities of the Church

The only sorts of principalities left to speak about are those of the church. The only difficulties which arise in these state arise before the prince controls them, because, whether they are acquired by capacity or good fortune, they can be held without either. The principalities are curious since they are supported by the laws of religion, which are so time-honored that these principalities may be held no matter how their princes behave and live. These are the only sorts of princes who have states yet do not defend them. They have subjects yet do not rule them. The states, although unguarded, are not taken from them. The subjects, although not ruled, do not care and have neither the desire nor the ability to revolt. These then are the only safe and secure principalities. But, being upheld by powers beyond the human mind, I shall speak no more of these principalities. Since these principalities are set up and maintained by God, it would be the act of a presumptuous and rash man to discuss them.

Nevertheless, if any one should ask of me how the Church attained so much worldly power, I feel it is worthwhile to be able to give an answer from the memory of events. The necessity of having an answer is all the more apparent because, from Alexander on back, the powerful men of Italy (not only those who have been called kings and princes, but even every baron and lord) have placed little value in the church. Yet now, a king of France trembles before the worldly power of the church. Indeed, that power has been able to drive him from Italy, and to ruin the Venetians.

Before Charles, King of France, came into Italy, this country was under the control of the Pope, the Venetians, the King of Naples, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines. These powers had two main worries: (1) that no foreigner should enter Italy with and army; (2) that none of themselves should seize more territory. The most worrisome of this group were the Pope and the Venetians. In order to restrain the Venetians, all the others had to unite. An example of this unity is the defense of Ferrara. To keep the Pope in check the rest of the powers used the barons of Rome. The barons were divided into two factions, Orsini and Colonna, and thus there was always the possibility of unrest or fighting. Since these barons were well-armed and nearby to the pope, they kept the popes weak and powerless. Even though there were occasionally courageous popes, such as Sixtus [IV], neither fortune nor wisdom was enough to end the problem of the barons for the pope. Additionally, the short life of a pope is also a cause of weakness. In the average ten-year life of a pope, he could probably disable one of the two baronial families. If, for example, one pope could almost destroy the Colonna, the next pope would be hostile to the Orsini. The new pope would obviously support the Colonna as allies, and yet would still not have time to ruin the Orsini. This sort of behavior was the reason why the worldly power of the pope was not important in Italy.

The first pope with enough military force and money to make his power felt was Alexander VI. Through the actions of the Duke Valentino [Cesare Borgia] and with the support of the French, Alexander caused all of the actions I discussed before in regards to the duke. Even though Alexander was more concerned with the success of the duke than with building up the Church, nevertheless, what he did contributed to the greatness of the Church. After Alexander’s death and the ruin of the duke, the Church became the beneficiary of all of their labors.

The next pope was Julius and he inherited a strong Church which held all the Romagna. Moreover, the barons of Rome had been seriously weakened, and the factions within the church had been smoothed over by Alexander’s rough hand. Julius also continued Alexander's innovative methods of raising money. Julius not only upheld what he inherited, but improved upon it as well. In fact, he intended to gain Bologna, to ruin the Venetians, and to drive the French out of Italy. He did good work towards all of these goals. He deserves a lot of credit for this since he did everything to strengthen the Church and not to help any private person. Julius also kept the Orsini and Colonna factions in the weak state he found them. There were some Orsini and Colonna who wanted to cause trouble, but Julius defeated them through two strategies. First, he kept them terrified by the power of the Church. Secondly, he did not allow them to control their own cardinals, so they had one less reason to fight. Without their own cardinals, the Church factions were kept under control and thus the barons had no struggle in which to get involved. As a result of the actions of Popes Alexander and Julius, his Holiness Pope Leo inherited a powerful Church. We can only hope that while his predecessors made the Church powerful in worldly affairs, Leo will make it still more respected through his goodness and infinite other virtues.